Abstract

This dissertation explores the political culture of the new political generation in Egypt after 25th January 2011. It aims at examining the reasons behind generational conflicts on the new political landscape. It defines political generation as â a group of people who have been subject to common social and political (â ¦) influences and circumstances' that shape their political values, attitudes, and signify their sharing of an essential destiny' . Hence, generations are defined in terms of political culture, rather than age groups. The study examines six suggestive cases: The National Movement for Changeâ Kefayaâ , the 6th of April, the We Are All Khaled Saed, the Egyptian Current Party, the Salafyo Costa movement and Ultras Ahlawy football community. Through examining formative experiences, ideological composition and organizational forms, values, symbols, strategies, and inter-relationships, I aim at resolving one research problem: The significant variation within the political culture of the new generation deepens conflicts both within the emergent Generation and with the Muslim Brotherhoodâ on various ideological issues and political strategies. Also, it stimulates ideological transformation and threatens to upgrade political authoritarianism. In order to develop a 'grounded' , knowledge of the subject, the study, first, examines reasons behind the MB's failure to co-opt the new generation both before and after the 25th January. Secondly, It examines the formative socio-political experiences of each generational unit. Thirdly, I report the interview findings on ideological and organizational manifestations and, finally, I analyze the results in order to understand the reasons behind generational conflicts and how they might lead into upgrading Mubarak's authoritarianism. This research provides future studies with elementary background on the situation, its main actors, their inter-relationships and possible means of resolving their conflicts. I use two integrative methods of qualitative research: ethnographic semi-structured interviews with members of the new political generation and â participation as observer'. Data culled from primary and secondary sources is analyzed through conceptual analysis tool to examine the undergoing transformation and possible means to resolve the conflict. The study concludes that there are four intertwined lines through which generational conflicts evolved: a) problems either withered away or got replaced by new problems, b) a change and/or loss of leadership, mobilizable resources and sympathy, c) the rise of unexpected generational cooperation, and d) one generation topple or liquidate the other.

Department

Political Science Department

Degree Name

MA in Political Science

Graduation Date

2-1-2012

Submission Date

February 2012

First Advisor

Raout, Heba

Second Advisor

Ibrahim, Ashraf

Extent

NA

Document Type

Master's Thesis

Library of Congress Subject Heading 1

Jamʻīyat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Egypt)

Library of Congress Subject Heading 2

Egypt -- Politics and government -- 21st century.

Rights

The author retains all rights with regard to copyright. The author certifies that written permission from the owner(s) of third-party copyrighted matter included in the thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study has been obtained. The author further certifies that IRB approval has been obtained for this thesis, or that IRB approval is not necessary for this thesis. Insofar as this thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study is an educational record as defined in the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) (20 USC 1232g), the author has granted consent to disclosure of it to anyone who requests a copy.

Institutional Review Board (IRB) Approval

Approval has been obtained for this item

Comments

This dissertation would not have been possible without the support, guidance and help of several individuals who contributed their valuable insights during the preparation and completion of this work. First and foremost, I deeply am grateful to my mentor and thesis advisor Dr.Heba Raouf, whose sincerity, inspiration and guidance ebled me hurdling various obstacles in the completion this research. Her exceptiol academic intuition has made her a recurrent oasis of ideas and passions that exceptiolly inspire my mind and enrich my progress as a student, researcher and academician. I owe her more than she knows. I also thankfully acknowledge the effort of my outstanding thesis readers, Prof. Elnur and Dr.EL-Sherif. Their suggestions, comments, and remarks have prompted and nurtured my intellectual maturity and contributed to the refinement of several drafts of this works. My thanks extend to the interviewees and contacts whose contribution, understanding and willingness to help made this research possible. I hope their assistance extend to the development of this work in the upcoming months. In addition, I gratefully thank Dr.Laila El-Baradie, the supervisor of of â Our Next Generation Scholarship', Ola Taliawy, the assistant secretary of the program and Di Hosni, the student advisor of the Political Science department, for help, patience, and extent support throughout my academic progress. Words fail me to express appreciation to my outstanding parents, especially my mother whose prayers and smile, despite serious illnesses, turned my worries into hopeful dreams. I also am deeply grateful to sheihk Mohammed Saed, friends and acquaintances whose dedication, support and persistent confidence in me has taken an enormous load off my shoulders. I owe you a lot!

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